{"id":22287,"date":"2025-12-05T07:59:10","date_gmt":"2025-12-05T04:59:10","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/amaniafrica-et.org\/?p=22287"},"modified":"2025-12-13T23:11:02","modified_gmt":"2025-12-13T20:11:02","slug":"g20-and-the-au-eu-a-tale-of-two-international-summits-in-africa","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/amaniafrica-et.org\/g20-and-the-au-eu-a-tale-of-two-international-summits-in-africa\/","title":{"rendered":"G20 and the AU-EU: A tale of two international summits in Africa"},"content":{"rendered":"
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[vc_row unlock_row_content=”yes” row_height_percent=”0″ override_padding=”yes” h_padding=”1″ top_padding=”0″ bottom_padding=”2″ overlay_alpha=”50″ equal_height=”yes” gutter_size=”2″ column_width_percent=”100″ shift_y=”0″ z_index=”0″ content_parallax=”0″ uncode_shortcode_id=”117453″][vc_column column_width_use_pixel=”yes” gutter_size=”3″ font_family=”font-555555″ overlay_alpha=”50″ shift_x=”0″ shift_y=”0″ shift_y_down=”0″ shift_y_down_fixed=”yes” z_index=”0″ medium_width=”0″ mobile_width=”0″ column_width_pixel=”1000″][vc_empty_space empty_h=”2″][vc_custom_heading text_color=”color-165108″ text_font=”font-555555″ text_size=”custom” text_weight=”600″ text_height=”fontheight-131383″ text_space=”fontspace-160099″ uncode_shortcode_id=”211827″ text_color_type=”uncode-palette” heading_custom_size=”60″]G20 and the AU-EU: A tale of two international summits in Africa<\/strong>[\/vc_custom_heading][vc_custom_heading text_color=”accent” text_font=”font-555555″ text_size=”fontsize-182326″ text_weight=”600″ text_height=”fontheight-131383″ text_space=”fontspace-160099″ uncode_shortcode_id=”141457″ text_color_type=”uncode-palette”]Date | 5 December 2025[\/vc_custom_heading][\/vc_column][\/vc_row][vc_row row_height_percent=”0″ override_padding=”yes” h_padding=”1″ top_padding=”1″ bottom_padding=”1″ overlay_alpha=”50″ gutter_size=”3″ column_width_percent=”100″ shift_y=”0″ z_index=”0″ content_parallax=”0″ uncode_shortcode_id=”278160″][vc_column width=”1\/1″][vc_column_text uncode_shortcode_id=”115323″]<\/p>\n

Solomon Ayele Dersso, PhD
\nFounding Director, Amani Africa<\/p>\n

Africa played host to two major international summits. Under South Africa\u2019s Presidency, Johannesburg played host to the 2025 Group of 20 (G20) summit. Under Angola\u2019s chairship of the continental body, the African Union (AU), Luanda was the stage for the 7th AU and European Union (EU) summit. They took place one after the other, on 22-23 November and 24-25 November respectively.<\/p>\n

Despite minor differences in the issues they cover, they share major convergence on the major themes covered by the agendas of the two summits. The G20 summit, being held for the first time on African soil under the theme \u2018solidarity, equality and sustainability, focused, among others, on issues dubbed to be of particular interest for developing countries, particularly Africa. This can be seen from the broad thematic areas that the G20 presidency advanced: Debt reform, climate resilience, inclusive development and a more democratic global governance system.<\/p>\n

As can be gathered from the Leaders\u2019 Declaration<\/a>, the G20 addressed, among others, debt crisis, energy transition, critical minerals for growth and sustainable development, inclusive economic growth, industrialisation and reduced inequality, sustainable financing, and equitable global governance.<\/p>\n

[\/vc_column_text][\/vc_column][\/vc_row][vc_row row_height_percent=”0″ override_padding=”yes” h_padding=”1″ top_padding=”2″ bottom_padding=”2″ overlay_alpha=”50″ gutter_size=”3″ column_width_percent=”100″ shift_y=”0″ z_index=”0″ content_parallax=”0″ uncode_shortcode_id=”136758″][vc_column width=”1\/1″][vc_single_image media=”22292″ caption=”yes” media_width_percent=”100″ uncode_shortcode_id=”576433″][\/vc_column][\/vc_row][vc_row row_height_percent=”0″ override_padding=”yes” h_padding=”1″ top_padding=”1″ bottom_padding=”1″ overlay_alpha=”50″ gutter_size=”3″ column_width_percent=”100″ shift_y=”0″ z_index=”0″ content_parallax=”0″ uncode_shortcode_id=”278160″][vc_column width=”1\/1″][vc_column_text uncode_shortcode_id=”115323″]<\/p>\n

These are all issues covered in the joint AU-EU Summit Declaration<\/a> under the sub-themes of \u00a0\u2018shaping a prosperous and sustainable future for Africa and Europe\u2019 \u00a0and \u2018a stronger commitment to multilateralism.\u2019<\/p>\n

One of the successes of the Johannesburg G20 summit was the adoption of the Leaders\u2019 Declaration at the start of the summit in a departure from usual practice and despite the boycott and pressure from the United States (US.) The successful convening and the adoption of a substantive leaders’ declaration is applauded for showing how multilateral diplomacy can be pursued without the US<\/a> (and even in the face of opposition from it), the architect and anchor of much of the multilateral platforms of the post-World War II world order, including the G20.<\/p>\n

With at least 25 African states in debt distress and at least three of them defaulting on their debt payment, the debt crisis is one of the most pressing issues of particular concern for Africa that was at the centre of the G20 summit agenda. According to the UN Economic Commission for Africa (UNECA) 2025 Economic Report on Africa<\/a>, African countries spent about US$163 billion on debt service\u00a0in 2024 alone. Despite having a lower debt-to-GDP ratio than G7 countries, African governments spend, according to a report from Tony Blair Institute<\/a>, on average 18% of all revenue just on interest payments, which is up to 6 times more than G7\/EU countries.<\/p>\n

It was no surprise that debt became one of the four high-level priorities<\/a> identified by the G20 under South Africa\u2019s presidency. As President Cyril Ramaphosa of South Africa observed in his opening<\/a> of the summit, the \u2018G20 needs to renew its efforts to advance debt sustainability, with a particular emphasis on African countries.\u2019 The Johannesburg G20 leaders’ declaration did not downplay nor shied away from acknowledging the gravity and adverse developmental consequences of the debt crisis. Thus, it recognised that \u2018a high level of debt is<\/u><\/strong> one of the obstacles to inclusive growth in many developing economies, which limits<\/u><\/strong> their ability to invest in infrastructure, disaster resilience, healthcare, education and other development needs.\u2019 (Emphasis added)<\/p>\n

By contrast, the 7th AU-EU summit adopted a more reluctant framing, potentially downplaying the cost of debt distress. It thus stated \u2018high level of debt can be<\/u><\/strong> an obstacle to inclusive growth and \u2018may limit<\/u> <\/strong>their ability to invest in infrastructure, disaster resilience, healthcare, education and other development needs.\u2019 (Emphasis added) While the G20 recognised a high level of debt as factually being an obstacle to inclusive growth, the AU-EU summit declaration used \u2018can be\u2019 and \u2018may\u2019, hence casting uncertainty about whether high-level debt carries such consequences for affected countries. There is, however, ample evidence, including from UNECA<\/a> and UNCTAD<\/a>, that debt is, to use the words of President Ramaphosa, \u2018stifling public spending and economic growth\u2019. The AU draft enjoined the AU-EU to a number of targeted commitments, including \u2018to take decisive actions to address the high debt premium of borrowing countries, especially in Africa, that pay significantly higher interest rates compared to their peers despite similar risk ratings.\u2019<\/p>\n

[\/vc_column_text][\/vc_column][\/vc_row][vc_row row_height_percent=”0″ override_padding=”yes” h_padding=”1″ top_padding=”2″ bottom_padding=”2″ overlay_alpha=”50″ gutter_size=”3″ column_width_percent=”100″ shift_y=”0″ z_index=”0″ content_parallax=”0″ uncode_shortcode_id=”169732″][vc_column width=”1\/1″][vc_single_image media=”22293″ caption=”yes” media_width_percent=”100″ uncode_shortcode_id=”576433″][\/vc_column][\/vc_row][vc_row row_height_percent=”0″ override_padding=”yes” h_padding=”1″ top_padding=”1″ bottom_padding=”1″ overlay_alpha=”50″ gutter_size=”3″ column_width_percent=”100″ shift_y=”0″ z_index=”0″ content_parallax=”0″ uncode_shortcode_id=”278160″][vc_column width=”1\/1″][vc_column_text uncode_shortcode_id=”115323″]<\/p>\n

Both the G20 and AU-EU summits failed short of adopting robust measures that address the structural conditions embedded in the international financial order that create cyclic debt distress, including those advanced in the joint Namibia-Amani Africa High-level Panel of Experts<\/a> on Africa and the Reform of the Multilateral System and the AU\u2019s Common African Position on debt<\/a>, including the proposal for a UN framework convention on sovereign debt. Even then, while the joint AU-EU summit declaration called for qualified \u2018reform of the international debt architecture\u2019, the G20 declaration adopted a more specific and emphatic language, by underscoring \u2018the need for enhancing the representation and voice of developing countries in decision making in multilateral development banks (MDBs) and other international economic and financial institutions.\u2019<\/p>\n

What is striking about the changes introduced is not just that they watered down the already reasonable formulations in the draft from the AU. The deletion even included a reference to support for the recent initiative to find a sustainable solution to the debt crisis. One example of such deletion is \u2018we welcome the Sevilla Forum on Debt launched at UNCTAD 19 to tackle entrenched debt crises in developing countries.\u2019 Signifying the lack of common ground on addressing the structural conditions perpetuating the debt crisis, it was reported<\/a> that the EU voted against a resolution on sovereign debt\u00a0under discussion in New York just as the summit was being held.<\/p>\n

The AU draft commenced the section on \u2018shaping a prosperous and sustainable future for Africa and Europe\u2019 with \u2018We further reaffirm our commitment to accelerating economic transformation and sustainable development to achieve inclusive growth and sustainable development to create economic opportunities for all, particularly for youth and women.\u2019 After the changes introduced by the EU, not only was the reaffirmation of such commitment left out, but the section commences with a language that foregrounds the EU\u2019s Global Gateway Initiative as reflected in the final copy of the declaration adopted in Luanda. It is worth noting that, as opposed to the very positive framing reflected in the summit declaration, the AU draft on the Global Gateway emphasised \u2018the need for greater transparency, timely delivery, and measurable impact to ensure that the promised investment effectively supports Africa\u2019s priorities and is fully aligned with the vision and goals of the AU’s Agenda 2063. The selection and implementation of projects must be conducted jointly to ensure full African ownership and appropriation.\u2019<\/p>\n

The substantive issues raised in the draft by the AU member states around Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM), including its potential for increasing costs, limiting competitiveness and undermining efforts to sustainably manage natural resources, such as biodiversity-based exports and the reference to ensuring in this regard respect for implementation of Article 3(5) of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) were also removed. After negotiations, the final version commits only to \u2018maintaining open, transparent, and inclusive channels of dialogue, including on trade-related environmental measures, such as CBAM and EU Deforestation Regulation (EUDR).\u2019 Instead of the reasonable and clear language calling for provision of adequate time, capacity building support and flexibility for African countries to adapt to such new regulatory measures, the final declaration stated \u2018the EU and AU will tackle together challenges posed to African exporters in sustainably managing natural resources, including biodiversity-based exports.\u2019 This language and the reading of the entire paragraph 10 hide the concern raised in the AU draft that the challenge \u2018in sustainably managing natural resources\u2019 is a potential challenge posed by trade-related environmental measures, such as CBAM and EUDR.<\/p>\n

By contrast, despite not going far enough and falling short of making direct reference to CBAM, the G20 declaration is explicit in stating that \u2018measures taken to combat climate change, including unilateral ones<\/em><\/strong>, should not constitute a means of arbitrary or unjustifiable discrimination or a disguised restriction on international trade.\u2019<\/p>\n

These are just some of the examples that highlight the contrasting outcomes of two international summits hosted on African soil, one after the other and covering similar issues. Despite all the appearances of progress and the symbolic changes on display in the lead-up to and during the AU-EU summit, substantively, the examples cited above suggest that the summit in Luanda did not mark a departure from the past. It shows the entrenchment of the power asymmetry and the reflex of being comfortable with dominating in setting the agenda and the process of shaping the outcomes of partnership meetings. The contrast between what the opening speeches projected and this outcome is reflective of what Carlos Lopes called the self-deception trap<\/a>.<\/p>\n

This outcome is not just to be blamed on the EU. After all, the AU, particularly its member states, were not without the possibility of achieving a different outcome. This can be gathered from the draft that they initiated, which sought such a different outcome. Yet, the push of the AU, particularly its member states, failed short. Whatever success was achieved in bringing back elements initially proposed, produced formulations that substantively changed the essence of the original formulation or hugely watered-down language on substantive policy issues, as those cited above exemplify.<\/p>\n

It is worth noting that the effort to regain the momentum succeeded in securing the removal of the reference to the ambiguous and problematic language of \u2018rules-based international order\u2019 and the restoration of the reference to the work towards the UN Framework Convention on International Tax Cooperation, which was deleted from the AU draft. Thus, \u2018rules-based international order\u2019 was replaced with the neutral and accurate framing of \u2018commitment to international order <\/strong>based on international law<\/strong> and effective multilateralism grounded in international law, including the Charter of the United Nations and its Purposes and Principles<\/strong>, as well as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law.\u2019 (Emphasis added)<\/p>\n

No doubt that this outcome could have been avoided. It happened not for lack of ways of avoiding it, but proposals advanced in various European and African publications, such as here<\/a> and here, <\/a>as well as earlier counsel from Lopes<\/a>, were not heeded.<\/p>\n

While the G20 summit outcome carried content that projected Africa\u2019s interest and had about 5 times more to \u2018Africa\u2019 than the previous record of 18 references to Africa during the G20 in 2017, the AU-EU summit was a major missed opportunity to move the partnership meeting beyond performative dialogue<\/a>.<\/p>\n

This tale of the two summits amply affirms that the observation<\/a> (made ahead of the two summits) that the G20 summit \u2018appears to generate more excitement in the AU and Africa than the AU-EU summit\u2019 was not without merit.<\/p>\n

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5 December 2025<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[441],"tags":[442,537],"class_list":["post-22287","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-ideas-indaba","tag-ideas-indaba","tag-537"],"yoast_head":"\nG20 and the AU-EU: A tale of two international summits in Africa - Amani Africa<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/amaniafrica-et.org\/g20-and-the-au-eu-a-tale-of-two-international-summits-in-africa\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"G20 and the AU-EU: A tale of two international summits in Africa - Amani Africa\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"5 December 2025\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:url\" content=\"https:\/\/amaniafrica-et.org\/g20-and-the-au-eu-a-tale-of-two-international-summits-in-africa\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:site_name\" content=\"Amani Africa\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:published_time\" content=\"2025-12-05T04:59:10+00:00\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:modified_time\" content=\"2025-12-13T20:11:02+00:00\" \/>\n<meta name=\"author\" content=\"Amani Africa\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:card\" content=\"summary_large_image\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:label1\" content=\"Written by\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data1\" content=\"Amani Africa\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:label2\" content=\"Est. reading time\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data2\" content=\"11 minutes\" \/>\n<script type=\"application\/ld+json\" class=\"yoast-schema-graph\">{\"@context\":\"https:\/\/schema.org\",\"@graph\":[{\"@type\":\"Article\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/amaniafrica-et.org\/g20-and-the-au-eu-a-tale-of-two-international-summits-in-africa\/#article\",\"isPartOf\":{\"@id\":\"https:\/\/amaniafrica-et.org\/g20-and-the-au-eu-a-tale-of-two-international-summits-in-africa\/\"},\"author\":{\"name\":\"Amani Africa\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/amaniafrica-et.org\/#\/schema\/person\/fbb3b4853ff9f64c9965ec59aeefd083\"},\"headline\":\"G20 and the AU-EU: A tale of two international summits in Africa\",\"datePublished\":\"2025-12-05T04:59:10+00:00\",\"dateModified\":\"2025-12-13T20:11:02+00:00\",\"mainEntityOfPage\":{\"@id\":\"https:\/\/amaniafrica-et.org\/g20-and-the-au-eu-a-tale-of-two-international-summits-in-africa\/\"},\"wordCount\":2187,\"commentCount\":0,\"keywords\":[\"Ideas Indaba\",\"2025\"],\"articleSection\":[\"Ideas Indaba\"],\"inLanguage\":\"en-US\",\"potentialAction\":[{\"@type\":\"CommentAction\",\"name\":\"Comment\",\"target\":[\"https:\/\/amaniafrica-et.org\/g20-and-the-au-eu-a-tale-of-two-international-summits-in-africa\/#respond\"]}]},{\"@type\":\"WebPage\",\"@id\":\"https:\/\/amaniafrica-et.org\/g20-and-the-au-eu-a-tale-of-two-international-summits-in-africa\/\",\"url\":\"https:\/\/amaniafrica-et.org\/g20-and-the-au-eu-a-tale-of-two-international-summits-in-africa\/\",\"name\":\"G20 and the AU-EU: A tale of two international summits in Africa - 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